Rachel Reeves has handled the imminent spending review similar to a hesitant bather edging into freezing water, striving to ease the discomfort through step-by-step immersion.
Reeves began tackling the challenge of inadequate revenue towards the end of the summer months. At first, she declined to uphold previous statements that revenue hikes in last year's financial statement would be the final ones.
Subsequently, recently, she took a larger step into the icy waves. Her address promised to "implement needed measures" to finance government services and keep loan interest under control.
Within 10 days, the finance ministry had pulled back the implication. The manifesto commitment still stood in the end. As any freezing-water swimmer realizes, this halted plunge and trembling withdrawal is the worst of all techniques. No strategy draws out the suffering like indecision.
It's hard to be decisive when deciding between levels of personally caused damage.
Optimism has not been a effective tactic for the ruling party. At the core of Keir Starmer's election bid was the unrealistic belief of somehow fulfilling citizens' desire for enhanced public services without reversing large sums of Conservative tax cuts.
Not once has either Starmer or Reeves effectively expressed a impression of collective goal to validate all this hardship. To some extent that is a issue of charisma. Both leaders are uncannily similar in their communicative deficiency, wooden and reserved in a way that drives the public away instead of drawing them in.
In the same way that political pressure to fund government services has compelled the exchequer to concede that levies must go up, the financial necessity of boosting prosperity makes it ever harder to ignore the price of detachment from the EU market.
Ministers devoted a period experimenting in the early stages of realignment with the European Union: plans to remove import controls on food items; a student movement initiative. Ambition went a bit deeper on power generation, armed forces partnership, but no major deals has so far been agreed.
In the absence specific instruction and drive from Downing Street, discussions are bogged down. Brussels authorities says trading benefits are accessed with contributions to the continental treasury. UK ministers are aware that's the deal. That doesn't cause them eager for a open dispute and political opponents shouting betrayal over any cost ends up being agreed.
Financial circumstances has caused some shift in Labour's language on the continental partnership. Reeves has commenced naming EU withdrawal alongside the health emergency as a cause of economic damage that the Treasury is working hard to address. Government colleagues have emulated this, although they cautiously ascribe the fault to "a bad Brexit deal" or "the way we left", never just "Brexit".
The challenge of the UK's ongoing association with the EU can't be simplified to technical adjustments and customs systems when the whole geopolitical order is in constant change. Given everything that has occurred since the Brexit vote, it feels legitimate still to be posing the big question: were Britain's interests promoted by exiting the EU?
These are cold, uncomfortable truths about the nation's situation in turbulent international waters. It is not surprising that the prime minister and the chancellor flinch from the task. It would take them beyond their capabilities, into currents that they cannot resist. So rather they continue apprehensively walking the water's edge, wishing that perhaps shortly the circumstances will shift.
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